Question 4
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- Michaeli loves himi
Principle B violation. The pronoun him
is bound in its binding domain by Michael,
which both C-commands it and
is coindexed with it. The binding domain
of him is the entire sentence.
- Hei loves Michaeli
Principle C violation. The R-expression
Michael is bound by him,
which both C-commands it and
is coindexed with it.
- Michael'sifather j loves himselfi
Principle A violation. The anaphor
himself is unbound.
Although Michael is coindexed
with himself, Michael
does not C-command himself.
The binding domain
of himself is the entire sentence.
Michael'sifather j loves himj
Principle B violation. The pronoun him
is bound in its binding domain by Michael's father,
which both C-commands it and
is coindexed with it. The binding domain
of him is the entire sentence.
Susani thinks that John
should marry herselfi
Principle A violation. Although the anaphor
herself is bound by Susan,
it is not bound within its
binding domain, i.e., within
the same clause. The binding domain
of himself is the embedded clause
John should marry herself.
John thinks that Susan i
should kiss heri
Principle B violation. The pronoun her
is bound in its binding domain by Susan,
which both C-commands it and
is coindexed with it.
The binding domain
of her/i> is the embedded clause
John should marry herself.
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Challenge
Problem 4
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- John wai Mary ga k zibunk/*i hihansita to itta
In this example zibun is behaving like an anaphor on
both readings. On the k reading it is bound
in its binding domain by Mary. This
is consistent with Principle A. If it were a pronoun
this would be a Principle B violation.
On the ungrammatical i reading it is bound
by John, which is not in its binding domain.
If we assume it is an anaphor the ungrammaticality
is explained because we have a Principle A violation.
If it were a pronoun this would be consistent
with Principle B and the ungrammaticality would be
unexplained.
- John wai zibun gai Mary o k korosita to omotteiru
In this example zibun is behaving like a pronoun
on the given reading.
On this reading, it is bound
by John, which is not in its binding domain.
If we assume it is an anaphor this
would therefore be a Principle A violation.
If on the other hand it is a pronoun this would be consistent
with Principle B.
- * John wai zibun gak Mary ok korosita to omotteiru
This example is definitely a Principle C violation.
It may also be either a Principle A or Principle B
violation, depending on our assumptions about zibun and
Japanese sentence structure.
If we assume zibun is an anaphor, and
we assume that Japanese has a VP, as follows:
then the internal clause is a Principle A violation
because the anaphor is unbound.
However if we assume no VP, then then
the anaphor is bound and there is no Principle
A violation:
On the other hand,
if we assume that zibun
is a pronoun, then if Japanese
has a VP there is no
Principle B violation,
and if Japanese has no VP
there is a principle B violation.
Whether we assume that zibun
is a pronoun or an anaphor,
and whether we assume a VP or not,
this example must
be a Principle C violation.
According to the assumptions given,
the R-expression Mary
is C-commanded by something
that binds it.
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Challenge
Problem 6
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Proposal: The definition of binding
should be changed so that A binds B if and only
if:
- A is coindexed with B
- A precedes B
We consider the following data with
respect to this proposed revision of the Binding Theory:
(i) Although hei loves marshmallows, Arti is
not a big fan of Smores.
(ii) Hisiyearbook gives Tomi the
creeps.
Both of these examples would immediately be classified
as violations of Principle C on the proposed
revision of the Binding Theory. The R-expressions
Art and Tom are bound in both examples
on the new definition of binding, since both are preceded
by coindexed NPs.
If the Binding Theory applies at D-structure, as
proposed in problem 3, then there
is a possible loophole for
example (i), since it MIGHT
involve movement. In that case, its D-structure source
(the tree before movement applies) is plausibly:
Arti is
not a big fan of Smores, although hei loves marshmallows.
And in this source Art is free.
It is NOT bound by he,
since he does not precede it. But there
is no such loophole available for example (ii).
On the other hand, neither of these examples is
problematic for our old definition
of binding, which used C-command instead of precedence.
In both cases the R-expression is
unbound, because it is not
C-commanded by the pronoun it coindexed
with. Thus, on the C-command
theory, there is no Principle C
violation. Since this correctly predicts the given grammaticality
judgments, the C-Command theory is the better theory with respect to this
data.
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